An interview with Daw Hnin Hnin Hmwe, a member of the General Strike Committee (GSC) who was involved in issuing a joint statement by more than 40 revolutionary forces working to prevent the implementation of the conscription law, and who is also the joint secretary of the Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS)
On 5 March, over 40 revolutionary forces issued a joint position statement vowing to prevent the implementation of the People’s Military Service Law which will be implemented next April.
Among these revolutionary forces are the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), General Strike Committee (GSC), Women Alliance Burma (WAB), and other ethnic revolutionary forces.
On the points in the joint position statement, Shanni Voice conducted this interview with Daw Hnin Hnin Hmwe, who is both a member of the GSC and the joint secretary of the DPNS.
Q: Can you tell us about the main calls included in the statement issued by over forty organizations on the military council’s conscription law?
A: The military council is an illegitimate military regime. It is a group that has usurped state power by force. They don’t have the mandate to issue laws and orders, which only legitimate governments are authorized to do. Therefore, we consider the laws and orders they issue to be illegitimate. That’s one point. Another point concerns the conscription law, by which people are forcibly drafted into the military. The announcement of this order implies two things. First, it shows the regime urgently needs military personnel in its ranks. There are reports that there are even plans to send wounded soldiers who have been hospitalized back to the frontlines without giving them time to rest after their discharge. There are also situations where battalions and units don’t have enough manpower and have to fight with combined smaller units. We have heard these accounts from the prisoners of war. So it seems that they intend to forcibly draft civilians into their armed forces and use them as soldiers. This essentially means that people will be forced to fight each other. This seems to be one objective.
Another is that the youth are the main force resisting the military regime through armed revolution. So we believe that there is a motive to suppress this generation of revolutionaries. Although they have announced the order, their plans don’t seem to be well thought out. Because the order was confirmed on 10 February, and Central Body for Summoning People’s Military Servants (the central recruitment body) was formed on 13 (February). Only then was it discussed what they would do next and so on. And then, the military council’s spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun. He had to come out like seven times and clarify the matter. So it seems that they didn’t expect such a big backlash.
There is a lot of public concern about this matter. Because regardless of how we see them, they have been given the unlawful authority and license to arbitrarily arrest or abduct people and extort money. It has become a real situation where people have to bail out an arrested or abducted person by paying a certain amount of money. This is a real problem for those who have nowhere to go or no money to pay. As revolutionary forces, we therefore consider how we can help as much as possible. One aspect of this is that, according to their records, the number of people in the targeted age group is around 13-14 million. While they can’t all be conscripted into the military at once, even the revolutionary forces have limited capacity to take in such a large number of people seeking help. But regardless of this, it is the task of the political and revolutionary forces to help those in need. We will therefore endeavor to provide as much help as possible in this sense.
Another point is that the situation of the military regime, to use an expression of the youth, is quite muddled. They continue to do things they have no right to do. For example, they initially cited the voter list irregularities as the pretext for the coup, but now they insist on holding elections as a way out. They are not even able to compile the voter lists properly. They have destroyed towns and villages and forced people to flee their homes. A significant number of youth are also taking up arms, so how are they supposed to compile voter lists during this armed revolution? So they will continue to resort to various means to find their way out. As long as this military regime exists and is involved in politics, they will continue to carry out such unlawful actions, arresting and killing people.
So to advance our revolution, it can’t be revolutionaries and politicians alone; we must unite the collective power of all sides in our movement. Only then, in conjunction with the participation of the people themselves through mass movements, political movements, military movements and diplomatic movements, do we believe that we can achieve the situation we want. Otherwise, the undesirable situations that we do not want will arise again and again.
Another point concerns the international situation. As far as I remember, about 49 countries have a military service law. So from an international point of view, they can cite valid reasons for enforcing the conscription law. However, the actual situation in our country is not like that. This is not about defense against external threats, but about a civil war.
If a group with authority and power forcibly recruits soldiers and orders them to fight, the situation in the country could worsen and become chaotic. If the international community is really interested in peace and development in our country, it must therefore work together to ensure that the military regime does not interfere in politics. Not by siding with the military regime, but by supporting the democratic forces in their military, political and diplomatic efforts. That’s why we wanted to emphasize these points, that’s why we consulted extensively with various groups before we considered and published this statement together. Ultimately, we must all resist and oppose these unjust orders and authorities together. Otherwise, we will be confronted with such undesirable situations again and again, which is why we are calling for such defiance and resistance.
Q: The statement mentions that those who don’t wish to serve in the military and wish to remain as ordinary civilians will be taken into consideration. What were the main considerations behind this point?
A: Well, in every situation there are those who don’t want to get involved in politics and that is their choice. Then there are those who are involved in politics but don’t want to take on military duties. This announcement by the military council is basically a carte blanche for arrests, extortion and kidnapping people as porters. Some of those who want to avoid this may join the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and take up arms to resist them, while others want no part of any of this. So we should respect their decision and that is why we have made considerations for them.
Q: In practice, there could be all kinds of people who want to remain as normal civilians. How feasible is it to consider and implement this aspect?
A: Yes, that would certainly be a big challenge. For example, how many would actually come forward? Would it be several thousands? If so, the groups that take them in would have a limited capacity – they would not be able to take everyone who comes. There have also been precedents, like planting spies, which can’t be ruled out. We have to anticipate these challenges and prepare for them. But if we are too fearful and do nothing, nothing will happen. So we will probably have to be very careful and discreet about what can be done given the circumstances and timing. We need to act prudently after careful consideration.
If all sorts of people turn up, there is also the possibility that the military council will send its people among them. Such people can’t remain unchecked for too long. At some point, their true nature will come out, and then appropriate measures must be taken. If you look at the revolution itself, the people initially only expressed their wishes peacefully. Only the brutal suppression by the military drove them to armed revolution. The escalation of the revolutionary momentum was a reaction to the increasing oppression by the military – the enemy itself drove the revolution to greater heights. I believe that practical experience will guide us on how to overcome such situations.
Q: The military junta is forcibly recruiting soldiers and collecting data. The statement also calls on people to join the “We don’t cooperate, we don’t participate” boycott movement to obstruct and prevent these efforts. Do you think this is really feasible for the public who are directly facing the military junta?
A: We are considering and discussing what should be done and what is possible. However, in practical implementation, the real situations will show us how far we can go and how we can do it. According to the current reports, for example, the question arises as to how many people from the wards/villages need to be provided. People may have to pay bribes to the administrators or 10-household heads who are responsible for providing the required number of people. Instead, some people might be arrested on the streets and replaced. In such cases, people must clearly show that they refuse to participate in the junta’s processes. Exactly what practical steps to take is something we all need to discuss together. But our main point is that people must reject these actions, that these are ways that should not happen under any circumstances, and we want people to act accordingly.
Q: The statement also calls for addressing and preventing sexual violence in areas controlled by revolutionary forces. What kind of approach would you recommend to effectively tackle this problem?
A: We’re currently resisting the military dictatorship. We must also take these problems into account when eliminating the authoritarian military system. The this military-authoritarian system stems from patriarchy. The oppression of the weak by the strong with the use of violence and weapons has been around for a long time. Misogynistic attitudes towards women have also persisted. In the past, their atrocities went unreported and unnoticed due to a lack of information and technology. But now, with improved access to information, their crimes are being exposed in greater numbers.
So when we revolt against this military dictatorship, which we reject, some say that such issues could be an obstacle to the revolution and should only be discussed afterwards. However, we don’t think so. Because if we only address them later, it will be too late – the victims will have already suffered. During our uprising against the military dictatorship, no one must be allowed to commit such crimes, whether it is the military itself or elements within the revolutionary forces that have similarities. Only if we have effective mechanisms in place to tackle them decisively will there be a sense of security among the public and within the revolutionary groups themselves. This is my view.
Sent by Shanni Voice.