An interview with Salai Isaac Khen, the executive member of the Interim Chin National Consultative Council (ICNCC)
The Spring Revolution which emerged following the coup on 1 February, 2021 has entered nearly two years. The Khonumthung Media Group (KMG) interviewed Salai Isaac Khen, the executive member of the Interim Chin National Consultative Council (ICNCC) about the latest situation of the Spring Revolution and the current political and military affairs.
Q: First of all, how was the ICNCC formed?
A: The ICNCC was formed in April, 2021 as a political platform for Chin people during this revolution period. The ICNCC is formed of the Chin National Front (CNF), elected candidates from the 2020 Election, political parties which did not cooperate with the military council, political parties based in Chin State, the Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) included in the Spring Revolution and the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) committee.
Q: What are the main tasks of the ICNCC? To what extent, is the organization important?
A: We have to perform three tasks during this revolutionary period. Three tasks are: (1) to terminate and overthrow the military dictatorship, (2) to build up a federal democracy union, (3) to build the federal Chin State. Of three tasks, the ICNCC has to do for the overthrowing of military dictatorship by political means. The Chinland Defense Forces (CDFs) and the Chinland Joint Defense Committee (CJDC) have to perform military duties. For the emergence of the federal union, the ICNCC is cooperating with the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and the National Unity Government (NUG). The ICNCC was also involved in drafting the Charter. This is related to the whole country and the whole union. Another point is we have to integrate and coordinate the forces in the state and revolutionary organizations in the townships for the emergence of the federal Chin State. We have to perform three tasks.
The ICNCC plays an important role because during this revolutionary period, it especially serves as a political platform on behalf of Chin State and Chin people. We will have to work for the emergence of the Chin State government and play a leading role in the future political process through this platform, the ICNCC. So I want to say that the ICNCC is a crucial organization for Chin people.
Q: Now the revolution period is nearly two years. Are you satisfied with it when you review it? Shall this revolution achieve success?
A: As all we know, we will march until this revolution succeeds. However, the question is when this revolution will succeed. We have timing. Timing means political process and its timing. Especially, during nearly two years of its journey, we are satisfied with the ICNCC to a certain extent. However, there are a lot of discouragements. We are collectively working during this revolutionary period. There are diversities, disagreements and coordination. However, we are satisfied with the platform which was crucial for the Chin people during the revolutionary period.
Everybody needs to answer the question on whether our revolution will really succeed. Our revolution will succeed in a short-period of time if everybody participates in the revolution. Our revolution will face a delay if everybody thinks only a group of people will do it. For instance, the military council’s mechanism will stop if our staff will no longer cooperate in the mechanism in Chin State.
Likewise, the military council’s mechanism will stop when all other sectors which are being cooperated with the military council will come to a halt. Everybody can do this. At the least, the participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). Lack of cooperation with the military council is effective for revolution. Everybody can participate in the fighting. Some people will join in the battle. The people who cannot participate in the fighting can disobedience in order that the military council cannot build its mechanism. Instead of fighting, the public can join non-violence movements through the lack of cooperation with the military council. We also need to fight because the military council is fighting. Our resistance fighters have no need to fight if the military council stops fighting.
Q: May I know your view on the current political situations in Myanmar and the military council’s election?
A: Currently, the military council is planning to hold the election in 2023. We need elections as we want democracy. However, I think the military council’s planned election is not a political answer. I don’t believe that this election will be not free and fair. Even in 2020, we faced a lot of difficulties. The election was skipped in some states and regions. At that time, the people had had to peacefully enjoy the essence of democracy and human rights in most parts of the country. But now fighting is taking place everywhere. The people cannot cast their votes freely as the people face the military council’s threat.
It is very difficult for political parties and politicians to participate in the election. For instance, many political leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have been detained. The army has arbitrarily arrested a lot of politicians under the various sections of the laws. So, politicians are not in a position to independently run for the seats and do canvassing. I think they shall have no rights to do canvassing freely. I assume that the situation shall not allow the election to be free and fair and the public to independently cast their votes and representatives to do canvassing freely. We will think about another option if the military council releases all political prisoners and allows the parties to participate in the election and create a situation for the parties to do canvassing and contesting independently. In the current political landscape, the National Unity Government (NUG), the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the People’s Defense Force (PDFs)and the CDFs are political actors and stakeholders. Holding the election without any understanding, agreement and political consensus makes the problem more complicated.
The army seized the country’s power in 1988, and then held the election in 1990. But the army failed to hand over the country’s power to the winning party after the election. Taking a look at the 2023 election to be organized by the military council is: (1) holding the election without any political agreement is not a political answer and (2) fighting is taking place across the country. The upcoming election will not become a free and fair one as the public are afraid of the military council. The public is not in a position to independently choose representatives and do canvassing and voting. I don’t believe this election will be free and fair.
The latest situation is the 2023 election will be a one-sided election as three is no political agreement between the military council and the stakeholders which are important in the political process such as the NUG, the CRPH, the Ethnic Revolutionary Organizations (EROs), the CDFs and the PDFs. So this election shall not fully represent the voices of the public about genuine democracy and human rights.
The ICNCC, the CJDC and the CNF have this stance. The current politics relies largely on the military council. The military council needs to hold talks with the EROs including the NUG and the CRPH included in the Spring Revolution if it has a genuine desire to seek the solution to the political problem peacefully. The military council needs to have a genuine desire to hold talks. The military council is required to recognize the NUG and the CRPH to hold talks. Only when the military recognizes them, will we get the result which may lead to less bloodshed for the current political situation.
Q: May I know your view on military and political situations in Chin State?
A: In fact, we have to fight with a certain political objective. There are CDFs in respective townships in Chin State. These CDFs have to go under the same political goal. They have the same goal of rooting out the military dictatorship, building up a federal democratic union and establishing the united federal Chin State. However, they have to coordinate on how they start doing it.
Our ambition is to work on the federal principle which guarantees autonomy, political equality and self-determination of Chin people in a genuine federal democratic union. There is no difficulty as we have already had a clear-cut ambition in our soul and heart about how we want to establish Chin State. Some people are unsatisfied with our work while there may be a few people who want to put the blame on us. Some people may not feel patient with us. However, the fact we need to understand is that one month is left for the two-year anniversary of the coup. The Chin people could achieve a lot of successes during this period. We also have to pay a high price. Our Chin people have to pay a higher price compared with the population and resources in Chin State. At the same time, there are a lot of successes. The ICNCC, the CJDC and the CNF have to closely coordinate the matters on how to sustain successes and go ahead. In fact, we need to support and encourage this situation. Chin people are making demands for a suitable thing. The collection of these demands will materialize.
Q: It is found that there are a lot of armed organizations in Chin State. The organizations are formed based on tribes and regions. Which advantages and disadvantages of having many armed organizations will be brought to Chin State?
A: The people think Chin State has a lot of armed organizations. There is a reason behind it. Having not many organizations will be the best. However, Chin State has a lot of tribes. Especially, they want to play a leading role. Now, Chin State has a lot of Chin armed organizations. It cannot be said that they continue to exist forever. After the revolution, the DDR Process (Disarmament Demobilization and Reintegration) will materialize step by step. As far as I understand, at present the number of armed organizations is high. However, that number is not a problem in the post-revolution space. At that time, the Federal Tatmadaw and the Federal Army will emerge. The State and townships shall have respective forces. We need to coordinate on how to proceed with it. For instance, the Philippines has forces in the provinces. The current armed organizations in the townships are to perform their duties. For instance, there are four battalions under the Chinland Defense Force (CDF) in Paletwa Township. After this revolution, some armed people will join the federal army. Some others will join the state-level security force and the police force in Paletwa Township. At that time, the integration process will operate systematically.
As far as I understand, we form the organizations as a process. We have to walk on this path when we take up arms to make a revolution and overthrow the military dictator. However, we all must be under the single command and control of the Chief of Command in the long run. There are the matters which push for this process, especially, the matters such as resource, duty and authority. There were not many groups and organizations in the post-revolution period. Not many organizations are required. I honestly believe it.
Q: Do you have anything to add?
A: The crucial point is that current politics is not for the interest of a group of people, a party and a front. It is for the interest of the entire people. So, the public needs to understand it. We understand that the public may face different kinds of difficulties. We feel sympathy for them. As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said, we don’t need to be scared. We don’t need to show our feelings even if we are scared. We need to avoid saying the wrong thing even if our body is shaking to tell the truth. What I want to say is at the least we need to avoid cooperation with the military council and support the military council’s mechanism even if we cannot fight the military council in the battlefields by sacrificing our lives, like the CDFs and the PDFs. This is something everybody can do.
Sent by KMG
