21 March 2025 /

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“…the leaders currently at the forefront seem focused only on having people follow them and obey their orders. Right now, whether it’s in Shan armed resistance groups or in politics, there’s division among them. They can’t reconcile with each other. There’s no mutual affection or unity. So, if the next generation follows the same pattern, we youth are worried.” – Ying Mwe Lyan, a steering committee member of the Tai Students’ Union (TSU)

Interview with Ying Mwe Lyan, a steering committee member of the Tai Students’ Union (TSU), on Shan youth involvement in the Spring Revolution and their views on Shan political leaders

Tai Youth Day, which falls on 1 March 2025, has marked its eighth anniversary. Over these eight years, the event has been celebrated in various forms. Following the military coup in 2021 and the “Operation 1027,” the perspectives and ideologies among Shan youth have undergone significant shifts.

Particularly notable is the criticism that has emerged among the Shan public and youth regarding the absence of Shan armed groups in both the revolution against military dictatorship and “Operation 1027.”

Shan News conducted this interview with Ying Mwe Lyan, a steering committee member of the Tai Students Union (TSU), to learn more about how Shan youth are participating in these rapidly evolving political dynamics and the ongoing Spring Revolution and their views on Shan political leaders.

Q: How are Shan youth participating in the fight to uproot military dictatorship and in the Spring Revolution?

A: The youth are active in their own ways, depending on their individual capacities or the organizations they’re part of. Some groups working in education are focusing on educational efforts. Others, involved in political or resistance organizations, are doing what they can—mobilizing and inspiring young people, raising awareness, and providing education. We’re also helping displaced people. Basically, in whatever areas they can contribute, the youth are taking on a lot of the work that needs to be done.

Q: What would you like to say about the criticism that Shan ethnic participation in the fight to uproot military rule and in the Spring Revolution has been weak?

A: When people say that Shan participation in the revolution is weak, we need to look at it from two perspectives: the Shan armed groups and the Shan people, including Shan youth. It’s true that the Shan armed groups have had limited involvement in the current revolution. However, when we look at our youth, there are cases where they don’t necessarily step forward explicitly under the ‘Shan’ label. In reality, though, Shan youth are heavily involved across the country—within resistance forces like the People’s Defense Force (PDF), as well as in Karenni resistance groups, contributing as much as they can in whatever capacity they’re able.

Especially in places like Sagaing Region and Kachin State, you’ll find Shan youth in PDFs serving as field commanders or battalion commanders. Some are taking on leadership roles and actively participating in the revolution. Others have joined the Karen National Union (KNU) and are fighting against the dictatorship in Karen State. There are plenty of Shan youth involved in the revolution. Beyond that, in units under the National Unity Government (NUG)—like those in Moebye and Pekon—you’ll see battalions where the majority are Shan youth. That’s on the armed revolution side.

On top of that, we Shan youth ourselves are also working through youth organizations, doing what we can—whether it’s advocating for human rights, addressing the military council’s human rights violations, or speaking out against the junta through nonviolent means. There are many Shan youth organizations doing this kind of work in whatever areas they can contribute to. So, to say Shan youth aren’t part of the armed revolution isn’t true either. The only difference is that they might not be stepping forward explicitly under the ‘Shan’ name.

What I’d like to say is that just because Shan armed groups haven’t joined the revolution doesn’t mean Shan youth aren’t participating. People might assume that because the armed groups aren’t involved, the youth aren’t either—but that’s not the case. Shan youth are involved, and a lot of them are doing significant work. However, since the Shan armed groups aren’t leading the charge, it could be that the broader Shan community isn’t fully mobilized. Still, those who are involved remain active and committed.

Q: What would you like to say about the fact that Shan armed groups have not joined the fight against the military dictatorship?

A: To be honest, it doesn’t feel good. Almost every armed organization and ethnic group across the country is participating in the revolution against the dictatorship to the best of their abilities, in whatever way they can. But when it comes to the Shan armed groups, even though they’re not involved, I see it as them not directly engaging in armed conflict against the military—that’s how I interpret this question. Still, these Shan armed groups are providing some forms of support. Even without direct participation, they’re helping in certain areas. For example, they assist Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) participants by giving them shelter in liberated areas, or they help allied Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) nearby by providing military training or offering quiet support behind the scenes—I believe those kinds of things are happening.

They’re not directly fighting the military, sure. But in my view, at this moment, when the iron is hot, it’s time to strike. Another point is that in a situation like this, the military junta is already losing on multiple fronts. Many of their key regional command headquarters – the military strongholds—have fallen. In the 70 or 80 years of armed resistance history in the Union of Myanmar, this has never happened before. At a time like this, when our Shan armed groups have weapons and manpower, why aren’t they acting? Some might say it’s because they’re afraid of the people suffering. If that’s the case, though, fighting is already happening across Shan State—except for the eastern part.

Fighting is happening in central, southern, and northern Shan State. The people are having to flee their homes. The people are suffering. Even if we don’t fight, others will come and fight anyway. Whether we act or not, the people will still suffer. So, compared to letting others fight and losing our current territories, when the people are going to be harmed either way, why not fight? That’s the question we want to raise. But, as I said before, we don’t want to outright accuse them of not participating at all. They’re probably helping in the ways they can. Still, at this point in time, we’d like to say they should get involved.

Q: What challenges are Shan youth facing due to the lack of participation from Shan armed groups in this revolution?

A: The main thing is that, as a Shan youth, whenever we get involved in resistance activities or other efforts to overthrow the military dictatorship, the first question we’re always asked is, ‘Why aren’t you Shan people participating?’ That’s a constant question thrown at us. We can still do what we’re capable of despite being asked this, but what’s worse is the situation at the grassroots level—our people. The real grassroots communities are the ones suffering from the military junta’s human rights violations and even abuses by ethnic armed groups. They’re facing all kinds of hardships and misery.

That’s why we speak out—because we’re facing all this suffering and hardship. When we say, ‘The people here are in distress; they’re having their human rights violated,’ we get responses like, ‘Well, you Shan aren’t even part of the revolution, so of course you’re the ones suffering.’ It’s this kind of rhetoric, these kinds of questions—tons of victim-blaming—that we keep facing. That’s a massive challenge. We even hear things like, ‘Since you Shan aren’t participating, it’s only right that you’re the ones suffering.’ Another thing is that we ourselves want to fight the military junta.

We want to step up boldly like other ethnic groups and join the fight from the frontlines. Or at least protect the people in our region in whatever way we can. But when it comes to actually doing these things, since our Shan armed groups aren’t fully engaged in this revolution, our own opportunities to collaborate and take action shrink drastically. And then, when we work with other ethnic groups, we feel ashamed. On top of that, our people get criticized too.

Q: What’s preventing meetings, negotiations, or joint efforts between the current Shan political leaders and Shan youth?

A: The main issue is the gap in our thinking and age. To be frank, in the current Shan armed resistance forces, the youngest leaders with decision-making power are, at the very least, over 40 years old—or so I think. That’s already about a two-generation gap between us. With such a wide generational gap, the way today’s youth see things and the way they see things differ drastically. Our ways of thinking are also incredibly different. Another point is whether the Shan armed group elders listen to what we youth have to say. They do listen—but do they act on it? They hear our suggestions, but they don’t follow through.

To put it plainly, it’s like, ‘We’re listening to you young people,’ but are they actually making use of our voices? Are they tapping into the strength of the youth? No, they’re not. To be frank, we Shan youth want to rely on the elders. We want to see armed leaders who take the lead, carve out a path with a national mission and vision, and work toward the interests of our state or our people—whatever it may be. And for that to happen, we youth want to go and support them, help them out.

But right now, not just in the armed groups but across much of the resistance community, a lot of people treat youth like a tool to exploit. They say, ‘Look, we’re including the youth; we’re giving them a place,’ but it’s just using us for show. They don’t actually let youth take the lead, truly listen to our voices, or make real changes. Instead, they’re more focused on using us as a superficial display, and that’s becoming more and more common. In reality, we youth desperately want to contribute in whatever way we can. But we don’t get the chance. And the elders don’t trust us either.

Q: As Shan youth, are you satisfied with the current Shan political leaders? How do you view them?

A: Whether it’s a revolution or politics, dragging things out long-term isn’t good. For us to move forward sustainably—whether it’s for our national cause, our state, or the people—we need to nurture new generations. But when it comes to nurturing new generations, the leaders currently at the forefront seem focused only on having people follow them and obey their orders. Right now, whether it’s in Shan armed resistance groups or in politics, there’s division among them. They can’t reconcile with each other. There’s no mutual affection or unity. So, if the next generation follows the same pattern, we youth are worried.

If they keep pulling the youth along just to exploit them, it’ll stay the same—internal conflicts will persist. It’ll be ‘our youth’ on this side and ‘your youth’ on that side, with divisions sown in between. Because of this, in the long run, I’m concerned we might end up as a failed state, a failed nation. The way I see it, they’re dividing the youth to exploit them, not giving them opportunities. Another thing is they don’t protect the people. I also see them not listening to the people’s will. Of course, they might have their own difficulties, but I believe they could do more—change more, act more, listen more. I want them to listen to the youth’s voices even more than they do now.

Q: What would you like to say about Shan armed groups fighting among themselves?

A: It’s true that instead of fighting the common enemy, they’re fighting each other. As I mentioned earlier, they say they don’t fight the military junta because they’re worried about the people suffering. But if that’s the case, why are there clashes among themselves right now? They might not be massive battles, sure. In the past, there were big fights; now it’s just small skirmishes. But doesn’t that still harm the people when they fight each other?
Another thing I want to say is about grudges. The grudges and hatred among armed group leaders get passed down to the people and the youth. That shouldn’t happen. Instead of showing the people and youth who the real common enemy is and uniting with the youth to drive that enemy out, they’re fighting among themselves. This makes us really anxious about the next generation and the future.

Q: What comments do you have about the current news on social media regarding divisions among the Shan ethnic group?

A: Whether it’s individuals, the political sphere, the revolution, or those working for the national cause, what I want them to understand is this: instead of focusing on ‘my organization’ or ‘me,’ they should look at the people—the ones who are truly oppressed. I want them to focus more on Shan national issues for the sake of Shan State.

Rather than thinking ‘this is for my group’ or ‘this is for me’ and dividing people into ‘my group’s people’ or ‘your group’s people,’ I want them to work for Shan national issues without splitting hairs over Shan south or Shan north—regardless of where they’re from or who they are. I want everyone to work for the Shan people as a whole. And for the youth, I want it instilled in them that whoever works for the Shan people—anyone who does that—is worth supporting.

Q: Thank you for taking the time to answer all the questions.

Sent by Shan News.

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