An interview with ABSDF Chairman Comrade Than Khae regarding the revolutionary landscape in the Anyar region, the challenges, and the future prospects of the revolution
Comrade Than Khae, Chairman of the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), said that the Anyar region could become the primary battlefield in 2025, with decisive battles potentially arising that could lead to the downfall of the military dictatorship
Network Media Group (NMG) interviewed ABSDF Chairman Comrade Than Khae, who had traveled to central Myanmar — commonly known as the Anyar region — to discuss the revolutionary landscape, the challenges, and the future prospects of the revolution.
Q: How does the current revolution against the dictatorship in the Anyar region differ from previous ones?
A: Today’s revolution in the Anyar region is one that originates from the homes and then moves underground. What stands out is the significant change in the form of revolution in the region. In this Spring Revolution, people from both the lowlands and the uplands have taken up arms against the military dictatorship. In my view, this shift represents a commitment to fighting relentlessly in various forms, serving as the path to victory.
Q: How are the people in Anyar region participating in the revolution?
A: Among the core principles that define our current situation, one unique characteristic of our country and region is our deep desire for revolution. We are meeting the needs of this revolution on our own terms. Whether it’s for rations, ammunition, or arms, we are a group that has, after sourcing and gathering resources, fully embraced our roles as revolutionaries, and we are now fighting for our cause.
Q: Why did the people of the Anyar region decide to participate in the revolution?
A: In the past, the armed revolutionary movements of ethnic resistance organizations focused on the fight for equality and the establishment of a federal union — these were the primary motivations for taking up arms and engaging in the struggle. However, today, the people in the Anyar region, living along the upstream of the Ayeyarwady and Chindwin Rivers, have themselves taken up armed resistance. At the same time, I firmly believe that the political awareness that the fight against military dictatorship, the pursuit of democracy, equality, and the right to self-determination must go hand in hand — unshakably — is a critical foundation upon which we can build unity and trust among ourselves.
I believe this is the main reason behind the success of the Spring Revolution. Today’s Spring Revolution represents the culmination of over 70 years of effort towards federalism, as well as the aspirations from the 8888 Democracy Uprising for a democratic revolution, and the unified struggle against military dictatorship. I firmly believe that we have achieved this unity.
Q: How is the revolution in the Anyar region connected to the revolution in the ethnic regions?
A: The involvement of the Anyar region in today’s Spring Revolution has now become deeply intertwined with the ongoing ethnic resistance movements. The successful battles currently being fought in the ethnic regions are significantly influenced by the participation from the Anyar region.
Today, the red brick tombs of martyrs and the Spring milestones that stand at the entrance of every village and town in the Anyar region are the shared assets of all of us. These symbols represent not only the comrades who died fighting in the Anyar region, but also the Anyar people who, by sacrificing their lives in ethnic areas, contributed their experiences and received support in the fight against the military dictatorship.
Q: What role does the ABSDF play in the revolution in the Anyar region?
A: As the ABSDF, we also view 2025 as a pivotal moment when our country could reach a major turning point in the fight against the military dictatorship. We believe that the main front in this revolution will shift to the domestic or civil war front. When we consider the civil war front, the Ayeyarwady and Chindwin regions may become the key battlegrounds where decisive confrontations will take place between the military dictatorship and the people.
Therefore, the democratic forces in the Anyar region, the local defense forces, and the ABSDF will unite and fight together. We will combine our efforts, exchange knowledge, and share the experiences we’ve gained in politics, public organizing, and military strategy. I want to emphasize here that we will strive to balance our differences and move forward in unity, fighting as one.
Q: What does cooperation between resistance organizations in the Anyar region look like? Can we say that they are united? What is the current situation?
A: Today’s Spring Revolution did not emerge from one organization, group, village, or town. We are all people of the Anyar region, united by the desire for democracy that will bring an end to the military dictatorship and allow us to live with dignity. Based on this foundation, we, the people, rose up against the military dictatorship and organized ourselves in various forms of resistance. While we were initially weak in military technology, the emergence of these groups everywhere still required coordination, integration, and the strengthening of connections between them.
At the same time, these integrations require strong leadership and collective decision-making. However, I believe that over the past 3 or 4 years of the Spring Revolution, people have gradually come to understand and accept that it is impossible to operate under a single group or chain of command. The National Unity Government (NUG), which emerged from the Spring Revolution, plays a crucial role in the fight against the military dictatorship. Therefore, the NUG carries a significant responsibility.
Through both political and military efforts, we, the NUG, are shouldering a serious responsibility, including managing affairs for the people, carrying out activities that benefit the public, and ensuring their protection. Therefore, the first point I want to highlight is that the NUG’s decision to base itself in the Sagaing region is a welcome move.
The NUG, in other words, is a large organization that must consider all our forces in the regions and the plains, including the people, in its work. When the NUG comes to this region, it will have to engage in both administrative and public service tasks on a practical level. They will need to provide assistance by coordinating and cooperating with other local organizations. I believe there must be practical plans in place to carry out this work effectively. This means fully implementing political views, ideas, and organizing efforts that can unite everyone, in line with the concept of a national unity government. In my view, these are tasks that should rightfully be undertaken by the NUG.
Q: What is your view on the election planned by the military council and the ongoing talks with ethnic groups?
A: To put it simply and clearly: whether it’s the election planned by the military council or the dialogues they intend to hold, neither can produce the results needed to achieve the goal of building the democratic federal union we aspire to. Both the election and the dialogue are merely paths that will lead us back to the 2008 Constitution, which we are fighting to change. Being involved in the revolution does not mean returning to the old system — it means building a new one. Nothing can be expected from the election, as it is held under the 2008 Constitution, and the meetings are conducted under the same framework. The ABSDF urges everyone to oppose both. In other words, whether it is the election that will bring us back to the 2008 Constitution, or the meetings and negotiations that have emerged under it, including the NCA, we believe there can be no turning back for us.
I believe this concept is clearly understood by our organization and by all ethnic organizations and all people’s defense forces today.
Therefore, I will oppose both of these. Today, I firmly believe that the responsibility of removing the military dictatorship from Myanmar’s politics lies with all of us. It is certain that the political problems must be collectively solved by all political forces. However, I believe that the scenario where the military leads the solution to political problems should come to an end in the history of Myanmar.
Sent by NMG