An interview with Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, an expert on Chinese affairs, about China’s pressure on the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) which is engaged in battles for control of towns along the China-Myanmar border.
In October of this year, the KIA captured several junta camps and bases including Chiphwi, Pang War, Tsawlaw, and the military headquarters, all of which are administrative areas of the junta-aligned New Democratic Army Kachin (NDA-K) Border Guard Force (BGF) militia in Kachin Special Region-1.
The KIA’s operation to capture towns is now approaching Kanpiketi, a key gateway for China’s border trade in Kachin State. Many local residents have fled to the town and nearby border areas in anticipation of potential intense fighting in this strategically important location.
Just hours after the KIA captured the town of Pang War on 18 October, China closed almost all border gates along its shared border, including Man Wein Gyi, Mai Jar Yan, N’ Bar Par, Lwegel, Laiza, Samar, and Kanpiketi.
On the other hand, the Chinese government is pressuring against the occupation of border towns. The Kachin News Group (KNG) interviewed Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, an expert on China affairs, about the potential impact of the Chinese government’s border gate closures on the Kachin Independence Organization/ Kachin Independence Army (KIO/KIA) and the Kachin people.
Q: My question regarding the KIA and the Chinese government is: why did China choose to close these border gates?
A: As far as we know, this situation is not limited to Kachin State. The Chinese government has also issued warnings to Kokang force and other revolutionary forces, urging them to cease hostilities. China has stated that if they do not comply, it will take action. In my view, China is following through on its warnings.
Q: What is your view on China’s warning to the KIA to stop fighting?
A: In my view, the KIA is working according to its strategy and will continue its attacks. Meanwhile, the Chinese government is following through on its warnings. I believe the KIA anticipated these developments, knowing that the gates would likely be closed if they persisted in their offensive. This isn’t surprising, as China has already blocked the Kokang region. That is why, access to Pang War has been restricted.
Q: How do you think the KIA will overcome this situation?
A: There are many people along the border. Even if we could enter China despite the blockade, and while people may manage to flee, transporting goods will still pose significant challenges. Another thing is that if you have money, you can buy anything. Anyway, I think the KIA will explore various options. For instance, if China halts electricity supplies, both the National Unity Government (NUG) and KIA could have already invested in solar panels. What I’m saying is that where there’s a will, there’s a way.
Q: The KIA continues to seize the headquarters of militia and Border Guard Forces despite China’s objections. What types of pressure might China put on the KIA?
A: China’s pressure could prompt the groups to engage in negotiations. If China calls for talks, either the KIA or the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) would likely have to respond. Meanwhile, the military council’s actions persist. If China intensifies its pressure on the KIA, we should also ramp up our pressure on the military council. We need to monitor the situation.
Q: By considering these circumstances, can we say that the Chinese government has completely sided with the military?
A: We can’t say it. China is also putting pressure on the military. The junta is also under pressure. That’s why, coup leader Min Aung Hlaing has invited resistance forces to engage in peace talks and consider surreder. Lifelong revolutionaries will not surrender. His invitation is not honest. For instance, China has emphasized to the military the importance of including all stakeholders in the electoral process.
Q: How crucial is the role of the Chinese government in the revolutionary struggle following the military coup?
A: This revolution will be decided by yourselves. China plays just a supporting role. For instance-China hold talks with the Northern Alliance and the military council. It is crucial for the people to take a decisive stand. As long as the military council remains in power, our country cannot achieve peace and development. Therefore, we must continue the fight until the military council falls. Revolutionary efforts are not a one-time event; they will ebb and flow. Some groups are actively engaged in combat while others are pursuing dialogue.
Q: Another thing is that during the Burmese communist era, with China’s encouragement, there were attempts to seize control of all of Myanmar. Even then, the Burmese Communist Party (BCP) did not succeed. Is it feasible to achieve a successful revolution without China’s involvement?
A: We can’t make that assertion. China did provide significant support to the BCP, but we didn’t achieve success because we failed to communicate our policies effectively to the people. For example, the BCP insisted that the military dictatorship could only be overthrown through armed struggle, but we couldn’t convey this message widely. The liberation of a single ethnic group alone is not enough. We can only succeed when other major ethnic groups are also freed. We’ve been emphasizing this for 60 years, but it hasn’t resonated with the people. However, it’s essential for the people to accept these two points in the Spring Revolution. It’s not enough for ethnic revolutionaries to control just their own regions; if they do, the junta will launch attacks. That’s why we provide support to People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and others engaged in the revolution.
Q: Finally, what would you like to say about the closure of border gates on the Chinese side?
A: There’s nothing more to add. That’s all.
Sent by KNG
